Thank you, Reverend Nuncio, for the New Year wishes conveyed by you on behalf of the Diplomatic Corps accredited to Lisbon. I gratefully return them asking all of you to convey to your Heads of State, on behalf of Portugal, my wishes, for peace, prosperity and personal well being in the new year.

The year just ended was marked by the after effects of September 11 and by the world’s worsening economic situation. Increasing tensions on the international scene are a source of apprehension and even anguish.

Security issues largely dominated the international agenda in 2002. Heated debates were held as to how to deal with threats to international peace and security. We cannot disregard the proliferation of trade in equipment, technology and materials than can be used to manufacture weapons of mass destruction, available to criminals and criminal organisations. The continued terrorist attacks have confirmed our conviction that the fight against terrorism and its supporting networks must continue to be a priority for the international community. We are facing a new phenomenon, of hazy outlines, in which religious fanaticism is allied to heinous trafficking, in narcotics and armament for instance, but that on occasion also dons the coat of a false worthiness, thus hindering its detection and isolation. The fight against terrorism will therefore be a long one, requiring substantial resources and close international co-operation. We must strengthen all the elements that provide cohesion to the international community in this struggle, the outcome of which is vital for international stability and security and for the very survival of democratic societies.

A new appreciation of the dangers of the uncontrolled proliferation of mass destruction weapons led to the United Nations Security Council unanimously approving Resolution 1441 on Iraq, which established the means that can legitimately be used to deal with this sort of threats.

In this context, some will argue that, if a particular country has the means to carry out an action of this sort and there are signs that an act of aggression is imminent, this would be sufficient motive to allow or even demand pre-emptive military responses, albeit unilateral. This is a doctrine that carries grave risks and is contrary to the tradition of international law, according to which war is a last resort, admissible only in cases of legitimate defence before an armed attack or when explicitly authorised by the United Nations Security Council. Following the historic and extremely positive evolution of international law, the use of force must be legitimated or else we run the risk of opening the door to all sorts of abuses and discretionary appreciations that are incompatible with the consolidation of a new international order based on the rule of law.

Portugal supports the Resolution on Iraq approved by the Security Council. The inspectors must now be able to carry out their work, within the time limits stipulated in the resolution. Iraq, for its part, must scrupulously respect the letter and the spirit of Resolution 1441 without evasive or delaying tactics, in order to address the serious concerns that have legitimately been expressed by the international community. In this regard the government in Baghdad must have no doubts as to our determination to fulfil this objective. Once the inspectors’ work is finished, it is up to the Security Council to decide on the next step. As a member of the European Union, Portugal hopes that in the forthcoming important debates all its Members maintain the cohesion and unity of purpose so clearly required by such delicate matters, respecting the principles and defending the values by which we are guided.

The international crisis has aggravated several areas of tension, both in terms of regional conflicts and in the economic, social or environmental fields. We cannot ignore them. We need active international diplomacy to find the answers to these problems, providing solutions to ensure peace, make democracy viable, protect human rights and promote economic and social progress within a sustainable framework. International conflicts must basically be resolved by peaceful means. We must be guided always by this principle.

In this context I must make a reference to the conflict in the Middle East. I hope that with the support of the international community it may be possible to put a stop to the destructive dynamics that have taken hold of the region, bringing an end to the interminable escalation of violence and the suffering of the populations. I do not believe that it is possible, sometimes on the flimsiest of opportunistic excuses, to continue postponing the search for peace through serious, meaningful political negotiations based on the United Nations resolutions.

Ambassadors,

The second subject I would like to address concerns, as I mentioned earlier, the international economic crisis, with its extremely serious repercussions on the internal situation of States, particularly those already struggling with serious problems of economic, social and even political development.

Despite significant advances, underdevelopment and poverty continue to mark the day-to-day life of the majority of the world population, whose basic needs in terms of healthcare, nutrition and shelter are still largely unmet. Unfortunately, the prospects for global economic growth are not very optimistic and this may worsen this situation still further.

It is a situation that poses new and demanding challenges for all decision makers, in respect of markets’ functioning and the circulation of information. The financial markets do not create value but they can have dramatic effects on its redistribution, possibly on a hitherto unheard of scale. That is why economic regulation must be more agile, more pro-active, and more selective, to prevent the chasm between rich and poor widening even further, as this would certainly increase international tensions. In this context, the functioning of the international financial institutions created just after the end of the Second World War would certainly gain in being adapted to their new requirements, reinforcing their interventional and regulatory capacity on the globalised market.

The fight against poverty and the challenges of development must therefore be a priority for the international community, in particular for the European Union and the other, more developed economies, whose added responsibilities in maintaining international stability are the corollary of their economic power. It is a multifaceted combat ranging from better access to developed countries’ markets, to attenuating the effects of financial crises (so often artificially generated), and slashing the price of pharmaceutical products; it is a fight in which less developed countries must enact more efficient policies to combat poverty, encourage economic development, employment, education and healthcare; it is a fight that also involves consolidating the democratic institutions and the rule of law in all those countries.

It is a fight that in this increasingly globalised world we cannot afford to lose, so that opportunities for everyone are more equal, this being the only way we can contribute to strengthen peace, stability and security on a worldwide scale.

Ambassadors,

You will bear with me if I also speak about the challenges currently facing European construction. 2002 has gone down as the year of the historical decision to reunify Europe, following the decisions of the European Council of Copenhagen to admit ten new members into the Union in the near future and to fix a date for the start of negotiations with Turkey. At the same time, relations between the European structures and Russia have been consolidated, expressing that great country’s undeniable role in building up a more stable and more balanced international system. In Prague, seven new States were also invited to join Nato.

So, 2002 was a decisive year in that the dream of millions of Europeans will come true, a dream long denied them by history. The realisation of this dream should not, however, let us forget the enormous task we have before us on this long but steady road to the construction of a more prosperous and more cohesive Europe, with greater solidarity and a larger role on the international scene.

The great debate on the future of Europe has been launched and the Convention will provide a decisive contribution, although there will be much still to discuss and negotiate following completion of its work. I am convinced, nevertheless, that the direction of the next Intergovernmental Conference will largely be established by the outcome of the Convention and by the adoption of the principle of a constitutional-like text.

All Europeans legitimately ask themselves what the future political model of the European Union will be: what institutional architecture will preserve the founding principles, the balance of powers, equality between States, what new tasks Europe should embark on, in this enriching balance between States on the one hand and peoples on the other, with their individual historic and cultural wealth. The future of European construction is played out around these issues. We know progress will only be possible if individual and general interests can be conciliated harmoniously.

As far as the institutional debate is concerned, I believe that the core issue will be to provide an architectural structure that reflects the desires of all the European States, in other words, that all of them, under equal conditions, have identical conditions for participating in decision-making and control mechanisms. This naturally includes voting systems based on the relative weight of the populations of each State. What Europe must never tolerate, under penalty of dissolving, is a system whereby some countries try to impose their will on all the others.

As regards the tasks facing Europe, I believe it is a particularly apt moment here to refer to the need to increase its capacity for external action. This aspect, in fact, is inherent to the political dimension of the European project and was explicitly enshrined as an objective of the Union at Maastricht. Without an effective Common Foreign and Defence Policy, Europe will be a giant with clay feet. We must acknowledge that some progress has already been made, and we especially welcome the agreement at the Copenhagen Summit that will enable the Union, in articulation with Nato, to start building up its own military strength. However, all the positive steps taken in the last years are still a long way from what we could and should expect in order to transform Europe into an important partner on the international scene in this new century. This is a role to which it is rightfully entitled, owing to the size of its population and its economy, its scientific and technological capacity, its history, its geography and the values it holds dear. I know that progress in these matters will be slower than it was in the economic field, because it affects areas where the perception of the sovereignty of States is more sensitive. We have taken almost fifty years to achieve the Euro, despite the scepticism of so many. I hope that the European Union will finally act in a concerted way to equip itself with the military means capable of sustaining a truly European foreign policy. This is the only way we will have a voice within the international community, and so contribute decisively to international peace and stability.

But even with all the uncertainties and a few contradictions, Europe’s foreign policy has moved forward, constituting an additional reason to trust in its steady development. I refer, for instance, to the Kyoto Protocol, which we hope will come into force this year. I refer to the Summit on Sustainable Development. I also refer to the International Criminal Court, which would not have been possible without the European Union’s decisive contribution and commitment. It represents an important step forward in the fight for the defence of human rights and the promotion of a truly humanitarian international law, whilst also marking the end of an abusive vision of the sovereignty of States in the face of radical violations of fundamental rights.

Ambassadors,

I am deeply grateful to the authorities of the countries that officially received me last year. I have fond memories of those visits and am convinced that they contributed to a better mutual knowledge and to strengthened relations between our countries.

I would like, in conclusion, to mention three official Portuguese-speaking countries where decisive events for their future occurred last year.

In Angola, 2002 was finally the year when peace was achieved after being sought for so long. It is important now to consolidate the peace process and tackle the tragic effects, especially in the humanitarian field, of nearly forty years of almost uninterrupted warfare. It is a task for which the international community must mobilise itself.

In Brazil, the election of a new President (from whose inaugural ceremony I have just returned) legitimately rouses the hopes of millions of Brazilians. To President Lula da Silva I reiterate my wishes for the greatest success in his efforts to ensure more prosperity and social justice for his people, overcoming the constraints that have hampered Brazil in the last years. I would also like to hail the exemplary way in which the transition of power occurred in Brazil, a just reflection of its democracy and its institutions, and of the statesmanship of two remarkable statesmen.

I recall with particular feelings the independence ceremonies in East Timor. I do not underestimate the complex challenges that the Timorese people face in the construction of their country, but am certain that with the continued support of the international community the Timorese State may progressively affirm itself, thus corresponding to the wishes of its people.

Ambassadors,

The world is living in difficult times. Factors of instability have increased. Tension and military force have in many cases taken the place of dialogue and negotiation. We need to appeal to prudence and good sense so as to act in a clear-sighted and balanced fashion in the face of the conflicts and tensions threatening international stability. We must equally redouble our efforts to confront other threats, such as drugs and the catastrophic spread of HIV, that undermine our societies. In addition to national programmes to combat these scourges, it is essential for international co-operation and solidarity to be constantly reinforced in the search for effective and articulated responses.

Now, more than ever, we need a vision for the future, coherent with the principles we defend.

I sincerely hope that these values will prevail on the international scene in this new year that has just begun.